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Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Friday, March 14, 2014
Saturday, December 21, 2013
Rahul Gandhi unleashes his more responsible self to woo industry 12-22
Rahul Gandhi unleashes his more responsible self to woo industry
Outlines UPA's economic agenda in his address to India Inc at Ficci's annual general meeting
Rahul Gandhi
He was addressing industry captains at the annual general meeting of industry body Ficci.
Gandhi touched “all our concerns”, said industrialist Rajiv Kanoria, but another businessman quipped: “Hope the government is listening.” Hardly deviating from his prepared script, a clean-shaven Rahul Gandhi appeared much different — there were few signs of the rebel-within image he had displayed at a CII gathering in April this year, soon after taking charge as the party’s vice-president.
Before addressing his audience, Gandhi admitted the political reality of the electoral drubbing that the Congress had received in four of the five states that had gone to polls recently. “My last quarter results have not exactly been resounding,” he said, but expressed confidence — CEO-style — that the Congress would bounce back.
Speaking the language industry wants to listen to, Gandhi addressed the concerns several industry delegations had flagged — land acquisition difficulties, labour laws forcing companies to engage contractual labour, environmental bottlenecks, etc. “We can’t allow you to be held back because of slow decision-making,” he said, conceding there had been a lapse on the part of the government, led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
Without blaming the Opposition for holding up governance or decision-making (unlike on many occasions earlier), he attempted to lay out a road map of the United Progressive Alliance’s (UPA’s) economic vision and highlight the achievements of its “decade in power”.
Accused consistently of sidelining industry concerns and prioritising social welfare sops, Gandhi was at pains to impress upon industry that it was a partner in the process of economic growth. The natural resource investment SPV for obtaining prior clearances before auctioning projects to private players was one such innovative idea. “Poverty cannot be fought without growth,” he emphasised.
He did not directly address the scams that had frayed the UPA government’s relationship with industry, Gandhi said UPA was serious about tackling corruption, which he labelled UPA’s “biggest “ concern. In a reference to the scrapped ordinance on tainted politicians — which elicited peals of laughter — Gandhi admitted: “I got to learn that it is not polite to ask that ordinances be torn and thrown into the dustbin!”
Launching into the framework of legislation that UPA had lined up to tackle corruption, including the recently-cleared Lok Pal Bill, he candidly admitted the Right to Information (RTI) had “opened ourselves to scrutiny”.
Highlighting UPA’s achievements, such as bringing a third of the population above the poverty line, he read out the Congress-led UPA’s electoral plank loud and clear: “It is today’s investments in people that create tomorrow’s markets.”
He also made it clear that UPA was not going to sacrifice any of its welfarist agenda, such as the food security programme, rural development schemes and the employment guarantee scheme.
Realising that rising prices had brought the Congress down in the Assembly elections, Gandhi flagged tackling inflation, including the food part, as top priority.
Without naming the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, Gandhi recalled the Nazi era in the 1930s and the pitfalls of bringing in power “a party built on a divisive ideology” — obviously, hinting at BJP.
He also tried to explain to industry (considered the strongest advocate of bringing Modi to power), that “wealth cannot be constructed on poverty” and “societies cannot be built on injustice…”.
Unlike his previous outing at CII, Gandhi did not ambitiously resort to metaphors like “India is a beehive of energy”, etc. Responding to Kanoria’s question on “mismatch” between laws like the land acquisition law and easing policy bottlenecks, Gandhi said: “Take the Tata example in West Bengal. It was the absence of law that allowed such a (people and political) mobilisation,” adding politics in this country was changing and there was transparency. “We need to provide you a framework.”
Responding to questions put to him from former Ficci Presidents, Gandhi said: “The biggest problem is absolute arbitrary powers at all levels of the system. The real issue in all these things, whether land acquisition or environment, is arbitrary power — of chief ministers and environment minister — to do what they want.”
To sum up, he said: “We have to build rule-based structure... We have to get used to the new paradigm.” But, as Rajan Bharti Mittal said, “you definitely have your heart in the right place” but “hope the government is listening”.
FROM THE SIDELINES
* The Venue: A jam-packed Ficci auditorium had members of the audience squatting even on the aisles and stairs
* A new look: Rahul Gandhi seemed to have shed the rebel-within image he had displayed a CII event in April
* Body language: Not aggressive — no characteristic rolling up of sleeves, no tearing papers, no nervous shuffle, not even the stubble (he was clean shaven)
* The gait: Instead of striding across the stage, as he did in April, he limited himself to standing at the lectern
* To the point: Gandhi mainly stuck to his written speech. He did not take questions put to him by Ficci’s past presidents. There was no bombastic metaphor on India, either
* Clear talk: His speech, unlike earlier occasions when he made vague academic references, was much clearer
* No family friends: He avoided narrating stories of the Gandhi family and friends from abroad. Only mentioned Europe and US when talking about IT industry and its competitiveness
Policy remedies of Rahul Gandhi
* Time-bound decision-making for infrastructure projects
* Need to balance environmental clearances with industry’s needs
* The Cabinet Committee on Investment and the project monitoring group are a recognition of the need to fast-track clearances
* Need to build a robust and open real-estate market
* A natural resource investment SPV for obtaining prior clearances before auction of projects to private players
* Framework of legislation to fight corruption
* Increased investment in education and research & development
* In a decade, manufacturing sector should be 25% of GDP and generate 100 million new jobs
* Need to reform labour laws and make labour market flexible
* Beating inflation, including in food, top priority; crackdown on hoarders a must
Reproduced from Business Standard
Gandhi touched “all our concerns”, said industrialist Rajiv Kanoria, but another businessman quipped: “Hope the government is listening.” Hardly deviating from his prepared script, a clean-shaven Rahul Gandhi appeared much different — there were few signs of the rebel-within image he had displayed at a CII gathering in April this year, soon after taking charge as the party’s vice-president.
Before addressing his audience, Gandhi admitted the political reality of the electoral drubbing that the Congress had received in four of the five states that had gone to polls recently. “My last quarter results have not exactly been resounding,” he said, but expressed confidence — CEO-style — that the Congress would bounce back.
Speaking the language industry wants to listen to, Gandhi addressed the concerns several industry delegations had flagged — land acquisition difficulties, labour laws forcing companies to engage contractual labour, environmental bottlenecks, etc. “We can’t allow you to be held back because of slow decision-making,” he said, conceding there had been a lapse on the part of the government, led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
Without blaming the Opposition for holding up governance or decision-making (unlike on many occasions earlier), he attempted to lay out a road map of the United Progressive Alliance’s (UPA’s) economic vision and highlight the achievements of its “decade in power”.
Accused consistently of sidelining industry concerns and prioritising social welfare sops, Gandhi was at pains to impress upon industry that it was a partner in the process of economic growth. The natural resource investment SPV for obtaining prior clearances before auctioning projects to private players was one such innovative idea. “Poverty cannot be fought without growth,” he emphasised.
He did not directly address the scams that had frayed the UPA government’s relationship with industry, Gandhi said UPA was serious about tackling corruption, which he labelled UPA’s “biggest “ concern. In a reference to the scrapped ordinance on tainted politicians — which elicited peals of laughter — Gandhi admitted: “I got to learn that it is not polite to ask that ordinances be torn and thrown into the dustbin!”
Launching into the framework of legislation that UPA had lined up to tackle corruption, including the recently-cleared Lok Pal Bill, he candidly admitted the Right to Information (RTI) had “opened ourselves to scrutiny”.
Highlighting UPA’s achievements, such as bringing a third of the population above the poverty line, he read out the Congress-led UPA’s electoral plank loud and clear: “It is today’s investments in people that create tomorrow’s markets.”
He also made it clear that UPA was not going to sacrifice any of its welfarist agenda, such as the food security programme, rural development schemes and the employment guarantee scheme.
Realising that rising prices had brought the Congress down in the Assembly elections, Gandhi flagged tackling inflation, including the food part, as top priority.
Without naming the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, Gandhi recalled the Nazi era in the 1930s and the pitfalls of bringing in power “a party built on a divisive ideology” — obviously, hinting at BJP.
He also tried to explain to industry (considered the strongest advocate of bringing Modi to power), that “wealth cannot be constructed on poverty” and “societies cannot be built on injustice…”.
Unlike his previous outing at CII, Gandhi did not ambitiously resort to metaphors like “India is a beehive of energy”, etc. Responding to Kanoria’s question on “mismatch” between laws like the land acquisition law and easing policy bottlenecks, Gandhi said: “Take the Tata example in West Bengal. It was the absence of law that allowed such a (people and political) mobilisation,” adding politics in this country was changing and there was transparency. “We need to provide you a framework.”
Responding to questions put to him from former Ficci Presidents, Gandhi said: “The biggest problem is absolute arbitrary powers at all levels of the system. The real issue in all these things, whether land acquisition or environment, is arbitrary power — of chief ministers and environment minister — to do what they want.”
To sum up, he said: “We have to build rule-based structure... We have to get used to the new paradigm.” But, as Rajan Bharti Mittal said, “you definitely have your heart in the right place” but “hope the government is listening”.
FROM THE SIDELINES
* The Venue: A jam-packed Ficci auditorium had members of the audience squatting even on the aisles and stairs
* A new look: Rahul Gandhi seemed to have shed the rebel-within image he had displayed a CII event in April
* Body language: Not aggressive — no characteristic rolling up of sleeves, no tearing papers, no nervous shuffle, not even the stubble (he was clean shaven)
* The gait: Instead of striding across the stage, as he did in April, he limited himself to standing at the lectern
* To the point: Gandhi mainly stuck to his written speech. He did not take questions put to him by Ficci’s past presidents. There was no bombastic metaphor on India, either
* Clear talk: His speech, unlike earlier occasions when he made vague academic references, was much clearer
* No family friends: He avoided narrating stories of the Gandhi family and friends from abroad. Only mentioned Europe and US when talking about IT industry and its competitiveness
Policy remedies of Rahul Gandhi
* Time-bound decision-making for infrastructure projects
* Need to balance environmental clearances with industry’s needs
* The Cabinet Committee on Investment and the project monitoring group are a recognition of the need to fast-track clearances
* Need to build a robust and open real-estate market
* A natural resource investment SPV for obtaining prior clearances before auction of projects to private players
* Framework of legislation to fight corruption
* Increased investment in education and research & development
* In a decade, manufacturing sector should be 25% of GDP and generate 100 million new jobs
* Need to reform labour laws and make labour market flexible
* Beating inflation, including in food, top priority; crackdown on hoarders a must
Reproduced from Business Standard
Wednesday, December 4, 2013
BJP on a roll in 3 of 5 states, but Delhi hazy: Exit polls 12-05
BJP on a roll in 3 of 5 states, but Delhi hazy: Exit polls
Seen sweeping Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh; Congress may reach the victory mark only in Mizoram; AAP's bright debut may mean hung House for Delhi
If exit polls are anything to go by, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is likely to come to power in at least three — Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh — of the five states where Assembly electionshave just ended, leaving the Congress huffing and puffing to reach the victory mark in Mizoram alone.
For Delhi, the polls on Wednesday veered between a hung House prediction and a slim majority for BJP. No poll saw the Congress even close to returning to power in the capital.
That the Congress was looking at a trouncing was clear. But it wasn’t all good for BJP, either. The party’s seat tally, except in Rajasthan, was seen coming down, implying there was no BJP wave yet. Given that the state elections were seen as a test for the party’s prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, this could be significant.
According to the exit polls, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), contesting its maiden election, may win between 6 and 31 seats in the 70-member Delhi House.
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, Mizoram and Chhattisgarh had gone to polls earlier.
Exit polls suggested the most unequivocal victory for BJP in Rajasthan, displacing the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government in the state. The polls gave BJP between 130 and 140 seats in the 200-member Assembly — this would break its own earlier record of 116. For BJP, Rajasthan was followed by Madhya Pradesh, where the incumbent state government was seen likely to get between 121 and 128 seats in the 230-member House. Though this is much less than the current 143 seats the party had won in 2008, the Congress’ gains might be below par, the polls showed.
In Chhattisgarh, the polls give BJP a very slight edge of one or two seats over the Congress, but all polls say the Congress will not be able to reach the victory mark, despite improving its vote share and performance substantially.
Signals from Delhi, however, look confusing. With no party reaching the majority mark, Delhi looked set for a spell of central rule, followed by another round of elections, possibly coinciding with the Lok Sabha polls. This is because AAP has already declared it will not help any party come to power. But BJP was hopeful of reaching the halfway mark with the help of ally Akali Dal and ‘invisible friends’, party leaders said.
At least two exit polls revised BJP’s seat tally upwards as the night wore on, suggesting the party might be within striking distance of reaching the halfway mark in Delhi.
In Mizoram, the Congress was seen getting 19 of the 40 seats to emerge the single largest party, but still one seat short of forming a government. According to exit polls, it was projected to lose a whopping 13 seats. The Mizo National Front was seen getting 14.
Going by the exit polls, the victory for BJP may not be as comprehensive as imagined earlier. But it is equally clear that the Congress is suffering the effects of a factional organisational set up and a serious leadership deficit: For, it has been unable to dislodge BJP in Madhya Pradesh. Most exit polls say BJP’s vote share in Madhya Pradesh will rise between two per cent and five per cent, suggesting it will beat anti-incumbency. Similarly, in Chhattisgarh, too, there is hardly any dent in BJP’s vote share.
If the exit polls turn out to be accurate, it will bode ill for Parliament’s winter session, which begins on Thursday. That’s because little work would be done and BJP would demand the government’s resignation. Any hope of BJP’s cooperation in the passage of government Bills would also be ruled out.
For Delhi, the polls on Wednesday veered between a hung House prediction and a slim majority for BJP. No poll saw the Congress even close to returning to power in the capital.
That the Congress was looking at a trouncing was clear. But it wasn’t all good for BJP, either. The party’s seat tally, except in Rajasthan, was seen coming down, implying there was no BJP wave yet. Given that the state elections were seen as a test for the party’s prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, this could be significant.
According to the exit polls, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), contesting its maiden election, may win between 6 and 31 seats in the 70-member Delhi House.
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, Mizoram and Chhattisgarh had gone to polls earlier.
Exit polls suggested the most unequivocal victory for BJP in Rajasthan, displacing the Ashok Gehlot-led Congress government in the state. The polls gave BJP between 130 and 140 seats in the 200-member Assembly — this would break its own earlier record of 116. For BJP, Rajasthan was followed by Madhya Pradesh, where the incumbent state government was seen likely to get between 121 and 128 seats in the 230-member House. Though this is much less than the current 143 seats the party had won in 2008, the Congress’ gains might be below par, the polls showed.
In Chhattisgarh, the polls give BJP a very slight edge of one or two seats over the Congress, but all polls say the Congress will not be able to reach the victory mark, despite improving its vote share and performance substantially.
At least two exit polls revised BJP’s seat tally upwards as the night wore on, suggesting the party might be within striking distance of reaching the halfway mark in Delhi.
In Mizoram, the Congress was seen getting 19 of the 40 seats to emerge the single largest party, but still one seat short of forming a government. According to exit polls, it was projected to lose a whopping 13 seats. The Mizo National Front was seen getting 14.
Going by the exit polls, the victory for BJP may not be as comprehensive as imagined earlier. But it is equally clear that the Congress is suffering the effects of a factional organisational set up and a serious leadership deficit: For, it has been unable to dislodge BJP in Madhya Pradesh. Most exit polls say BJP’s vote share in Madhya Pradesh will rise between two per cent and five per cent, suggesting it will beat anti-incumbency. Similarly, in Chhattisgarh, too, there is hardly any dent in BJP’s vote share.
If the exit polls turn out to be accurate, it will bode ill for Parliament’s winter session, which begins on Thursday. That’s because little work would be done and BJP would demand the government’s resignation. Any hope of BJP’s cooperation in the passage of government Bills would also be ruled out.
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